{"id":565,"date":"2026-06-20T17:36:50","date_gmt":"2026-06-20T17:36:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/smartmovinghome.com\/?p=565"},"modified":"2026-06-20T17:36:50","modified_gmt":"2026-06-20T17:36:50","slug":"sentencing-of-palestine-action-defendants-marks-a-dangerous-escalation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/smartmovinghome.com\/?p=565","title":{"rendered":"Sentencing of Palestine Action Defendants Marks a Dangerous Escalation"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Did you know that Truthout is a nonprofit and independently funded by readers like you? If you value what we do, please support our work with <\/span><\/i>a donation<\/span><\/i>.<\/p>\n

Read more World Professional Association for Transgender Health Is Government\u2019s New Target<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

As Justice Jeremy Johnson sentenced her to six years in prison last Friday, Leona Kamio spoke from the dock: \u201cIn order to hear the birds, the drones must be silent.\u201d<\/p>\n

The line was adapted from a passage by Palestinian poet Marwan Makhoul: \u201cIn order for me to write poetry that isn\u2019t political, I must listen to the birds. And in order to hear the birds, the warplanes must be silent.\u201d<\/p>\n

Thirty-year-old Kamio is one of four Palestine Action defendants convicted of criminal damage during a protest at Elbit Systems\u2019 Filton site in August 2024. Although the four had not been charged with terrorism offences and were not convicted of terrorism by a jury, Justice Johnson ruled their offences had had a \u201cterrorism connection\u201d and sentenced them as such. <\/p>\n

Samuel Corner, 23, who was convicted of criminal damage and grievous bodily harm against a police officer, was sentenced to eight years and eight months in prison. Like Kamio, 29-year-old Charlotte Head was sentenced to six years. Fatema Zainab Rajwani, 21, received five years and eight months. <\/p>\n

In the wake of their sentencing, openDemocracy<\/em> spoke to lisa minerva luxx, of the Filton 25 Defence Committee, which supports the defendants and prisoners, coordinates public campaigns and media, and works with legal teams.<\/p>\n

In the following interview, luxx explained how the judge\u2019s finding of a \u201cterrorism connection\u201d will affect the defendants for the rest of their lives, and how it marks a major escalation in the state\u2019s treatment of direct action and Palestine solidarity protest. <\/p>\n

The Filton 25 Defence Committee said the four \u201cdestroyed over 40 Israeli weapons, including killer drones\u201d and argued that \u201cby taking direct action, they saved lives. That is not terrorism, it is a duty.\u201d The committee says the ruling will be appealed.<\/p>\n

This interview has been edited for clarity and brevity. luxx sets out the defence committee\u2019s allegations about the relationship between the Filton case, the proscription of Palestine Action and the use of terrorism powers against direct action protesters.<\/p>\n

Nandini Naira Archer: Can you spell out what the terrorism finding means in practice for the defendants? How does it affect time served, release, licence conditions, prison categorisation, notification requirements and their lives after prison?<\/strong><\/p>\n

lisa minerva luxx: <\/strong>Whilst in prison, they will be categorised as Category A high-risk prisoners, which many prisons struggle to process due to the extra regulations around access to work, single-cell occupancy \u2014 to reduce contact with other prisoners lest they radicalise them \u2014 and involvement from Prevent, the UK government\u2019s counter-extremism programme.<\/p>\n

It also includes increased security, which will affect the post they are given and books they are permitted to read.<\/p>\n

They have to spend two-thirds of their sentence imprisoned before being eligible for parole. But parole for Terrorism Act sentences is incredibly rare, and the defendant must denounce their political beliefs to be granted parole.<\/p>\n

Once released on licence, they will have really strict and repressive conditions until the end of their sentence \u2014 potentially limiting who they can see, where they can go, whether they can attend meetings or protests, and how they use phones or the internet. These are often arbitrary and ridiculous, designed to be impossible to adhere to.<\/p>\n

After that, they then go on \u201cnotification\u201d, where they are obliged to register phone numbers, emails, car registration, travel and bank details \u2014 and any new details of all of those \u2014 for 15 years. Fatema Zainab will only be allowed to attend a mosque chosen by the police, and she will be prohibited from socialising there. <\/p>\n

If the defendants fail to keep up with any of these requirements, they could be sent back to prison for a further five years.<\/p>\n

The defendants were not charged with terrorism offences and the jury did not convict them of terrorism. What are your main due process concerns about a judge applying a terrorist connection at sentencing?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Judge Johnson secured the terrorism connection finding in order to prop up the proscription of Palestine Action. At the preparatory hearing for the \u201cterrorism link\u201d, he allowed \u201cinfluencing the government of Israel\u201d as a factor that satisfied the test for a terrorism connection. This is contrary to the legislation, which indicates that \u201cinfluencing the government\u201d means the British government or an intergovernmental body, such as the UN.<\/p>\n

Influencing the Israeli government was the crux of the argument for the terrorism connection hanging over the case. The backbone of that argument was: \u201cIf you are destroying a weapon, you are influencing that government by preventing them from using that weapon.\u201d<\/p>\n

Yet at sentencing, he pivoted to make it about the British government. This ultimately satisfied the Home Office\u2019s appeal for the proscription of Palestine Action, which was announced only three days later.<\/p>\n

Read more Trump May Be Drawing Down Iran War, But He\u2019s Demanding Billions More for Bombs<\/a><\/p>\n

On top of this, he allowed for Elbit employees and employees of arms companies to constitute a \u201csection of the public\u201d so as to satisfy the test for a terrorism connection. I don\u2019t think I need to explain how dystopian it is to refer to weapons-makers as a legitimate \u201csection of the public\u201d who could be victims of intimidation.<\/p>\n

As most people know, Johnson did not allow the defendants to tell the jury that they were facing being sentenced as terrorists, which, of course, would have made it a much different decision for them to make.<\/p>\n

In fact, throughout the whole case, he undermined the role of the jury, in effect deciding on matters which were for the jury to decide \u2014 principles of immediacy, value judgements, and reasonableness.<\/p>\n

What is your response to the court\u2019s framing of the action as intended to intimidate the government or Elbit, rather than as protest or direct action against alleged British complicity in Israeli war crimes? What context do you think was excluded or misunderstood?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Direct action for Palestine Action was a means of bypassing the government and going directly to the source.<\/p>\n

One quote that the movement used throughout training was by anthropologist and activist David Graeber: \u201cProtest is begging the powers that be to dig a well, direct action is digging the well and daring them to stop you.\u201d<\/p>\n

That quote was circulated in court, as it was included in training documents for the group, which were part of the evidence served by the prosecution.<\/p>\n

Every single defendant spoke about having exhausted all democratic means, so turning to direct action to do the job themselves and stop the flow of weapons.<\/p>\n

Judge Johnson did not misunderstand this. He manipulated the defendants\u2019 closing speeches and defence statements to fit a narrative that ran counter to the entire case presented in court up to that point.<\/p>\n

What precedent does this set for the remaining Filton defendants, Palestine Action cases more broadly, and other direct action or protest movements in Britain? Are you already seeing prosecutors or police lean on this ruling?<\/strong><\/p>\n

We are yet to see the effects of this and, at present, cannot comment on how it affects the rest of the Filton defendants.<\/p>\n

However, to illuminate the wider picture, we need to look at the timeline leading up to both the Filton arrests and the proscription of Palestine Action. Two months before the Filton action, a meeting took place that included the Crown Prosecution Service and Counter Terrorism. They discussed proscribing Palestine Action, but identified that they couldn\u2019t proscribe the group without first proving the group was \u201cconcerned in terrorism\u201d. In order to do this, they needed to secure some arrests under the Terrorism Act for actionists.<\/p>\n

Then the Filton 25 arrests took place. As it transpired, the investigating officer on the case was also part of the review group for proscription. So, we say, the same officer was involved in both the criminal investigation of the Filton defendants and the process of building the case to ban Palestine Action. Judge Johnson should have acknowledged this at the abuse of process hearing in November 2025.<\/p>\n

This entire case has been manufactured by the Home Office in order to appease the Zionist lobby and Israel\u2019s weapons manufacturers. The use of the terrorism connection was a means of securing convictions that would satisfy the proscription.<\/p>\n

The Filton 25 have been used as political pawns in the British government\u2019s war against Palestine Action. Therefore, the main precedent we need to worry about here is the collusion between parties that should be entirely independent from one another when it comes to the prosecution of those effectively taking action for Palestine.<\/p>\n

We are facing an entire establishment that, after years of meetings with the Israeli ambassador to the UK, the CEO of Elbit Systems UK, and members of the Knesset (the Israeli parliament), is now doubling down on its unlawful tactics to disturb the functioning of a movement.<\/p>\n

A free pass has been granted to use the terrorism link to satiate political bias. We expect to see more actionists imprisoned under the Terrorism Act, but we will fight this all the way.<\/p>\n

What are the immediate legal next steps after Friday\u2019s ruling? Are you planning to appeal the sentence, the \u2018terrorist connection\u2019 finding, the conviction, or all three \u2014 and what grounds do you think are strongest?<\/strong><\/p>\n

The lawyers will be submitting an appeal on the \u201cterrorist connection\u201d and conviction, but not the sentencing.<\/p>\n

Read more US-Iran Talks Delayed After Israeli Bombardment of Lebanon Kills at Least 18<\/a><\/p>\n

We will be sharing full announcements in the next 10 days.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A committee representing them says \u201cby taking direct action, they saved lives. 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