{"id":1061,"date":"2026-07-20T22:11:08","date_gmt":"2026-07-20T22:11:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/smartmovinghome.com\/?p=1061"},"modified":"2026-07-20T22:11:08","modified_gmt":"2026-07-20T22:11:08","slug":"industry-groups-keep-louisiana-residents-from-knowing-whats-in-their-air","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/smartmovinghome.com\/?p=1061","title":{"rendered":"Industry Groups Keep Louisiana Residents From Knowing What\u2019s in Their Air"},"content":{"rendered":"<div>\n<!-- begin partial\/series-card --><\/p>\n<div>\n<div>\n<p><i><span>Support justice-driven, accurate and transparent news \u2014 make a <\/span><\/i><i><span>quick donation<\/span><\/i><i><span> to Truthout today!\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/smartmovinghome.com\/?p=1059\">Pentagon Slashed Civilian Harm Reduction Staff and Is Instead Using AI<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<p>Kimbrelle Kyereh lives just a few hundred feet from the massive chemical storage tanks in St. Rose, in southeastern Louisiana. Oily fumes sometimes drift into her home, bringing headaches, nausea and insomnia. On one such night, she grabbed her son at 3 a.m. and fled to an all-night IHOP.<\/p>\n<p>In 2023, after years of coping with the noxious odors, Kyereh began collecting air samples in her yard for a local environmental justice group. But soon after, Louisiana passed an industry-backed law that sharply restricted how that kind of data could be used. <\/p>\n<p>So she stopped.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cI shut my mouth like they wanted me to,\u201d Kyereh said.<\/p>\n<p>Along the 85-mile corridor between Baton Rouge and New Orleans \u2014 where cancer rates from toxic air pollution are among the nation\u2019s highest \u2014 many residents live in the shadows of heavy industry with no idea what they\u2019re breathing.<\/p>\n<p>Turns out, that\u2019s by design.<\/p>\n<p>A <em>Floodlight<\/em> analysis found that Louisiana\u2019s public air monitors are often located miles from major industrial polluters and fail to test for some of the most dangerous chemicals. <\/p>\n<p>The analysis identified the state\u2019s top 25 industrial air polluters using emissions data that companies self-report to the EPA. Then we used state data to calculate each plant\u2019s distance to the nearest public air monitoring station \u2014 and to determine which pollutants those monitors actually test for. We found:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Ten of Louisiana\u2019s heaviest air-polluting facilities operate without a single public air monitor within five miles.<\/li>\n<li>Dow Chemical\u2019s plastics factory in Plaquemine is one of Louisiana\u2019s biggest air polluters, releasing an array of toxic pollutants including ethylene oxide, a known carcinogen. The nearest air monitoring station is about eight miles away and measures only ozone.<\/li>\n<li>No public monitors measure ammonia \u2014 despite CF Industries\u2019 Donaldsonville plant emitting more than 7 million pounds of it in 2024, making it one of the nation\u2019s top toxic polluters, according to EPA data.<\/li>\n<li>The three chemicals that researchers have concluded \u201ctogether account for the large majority of total cancer risk\u201d in the area \u2014 ethylene oxide, chloroprene and formaldehyde \u2014 aren\u2019t monitored by the state at all. <\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Industry groups have spent years fighting proposals that would require better monitoring around manufacturing plants. They also helped draft a 2024 law that sharply restricted how community air monitoring could be used in enforcement. <\/p>\n<p>Lawmakers later introduced similar legislation in Kentucky, Ohio and West Virginia, suggesting Louisiana is one front in a broader fight over who gets to measure toxic air.<\/p>\n<h2>What the Monitors Missed<\/h2>\n<p>On Aug. 24, 2023, a leak at Marathon\u2019s southeast Louisiana refinery exposed the limits of the state\u2019s air monitoring system.<\/p>\n<p>At 6:50 p.m., the Coast Guard fielded a report that naphtha \u2014 a highly flammable liquid \u2014 was leaking at the Garyville facility. More than six hours passed before the Louisiana Department of Environmental Quality began monitoring the air.<\/p>\n<p>Around 7 a.m., the leak ignited a massive fire, sending a plume of black smoke into the air. Two nearby schools opened anyway. Residents within two miles weren\u2019t ordered to evacuate until 10:15 a.m. \u2014 more than 15 hours after the leak began.<\/p>\n<p>Naphtha exposure can cause dizziness, headaches and nausea, and a <em>Guardian<\/em> investigation found at least 29 residents were later treated at area hospitals.<\/p>\n<p>The nearest state air monitor measures ozone \u2014 but not the toxic pollutants, including volatile organic compounds, released in the fire \u2014 and the plant\u2019s own monitors track just one chemical at its fenceline: benzene. The company\u2019s Los Angeles refinery, by contrast, continuously monitors more than 15 pollutants \u2014 as California regulations require.<\/p>\n<p>Wilma Subra, a decorated environmental chemist from Louisiana who examined the fire\u2019s emissions, said better air monitoring likely would have prompted faster school closures and evacuations.<\/p>\n<p>The state\u2019s monitoring network, she said, is \u201cnot adequate to protect the health of the community living in close proximity to these industrial facilities.\u201d<\/p>\n<h2>\u201cEmergency Waiting to Occur\u201d<\/h2>\n<p>Community advocates and environmental researchers have spent years pressing for expanded monitoring \u2014 especially in predominantly Black communities near industrial facilities. <\/p>\n<p>Adrienne Katner, an associate professor at Louisiana State University and a former state environmental health scientist, concluded in 2022 that roughly 400 high-emission facilities in Louisiana had no public air monitoring. Communities only learn about toxic releases when there\u2019s a shelter-in-place order or an evacuation, she said.<\/p>\n<p>She called the situation \u201ca public health emergency waiting to occur.\u201d <\/p>\n<p>Today, Katner says the lack of air monitoring data serves as a shield for polluters. \u201cThe theme is, if you don\u2019t look for it, you won\u2019t find it,\u201d she told <em>Floodlight<\/em>.<\/p>\n<p>Families living near polluting facilities bear the burden of that uncertainty, Katner said: \u201cIt\u2019s taking years off their lives.\u201d <\/p>\n<p>The following year, researchers from Johns Hopkins University drove a mobile laboratory through Louisiana\u2019s industrial corridor to measure pollution firsthand. In 14 of the 15 locations they studied, cancer risks from toxic emissions exceeded EPA figures \u2014 in some areas by more than 11 times.<\/p>\n<p>Peter DeCarlo, an atmospheric scientist at Johns Hopkins who co-authored the study, said regulators miss much of the region\u2019s pollution because too few air monitors measure too few chemicals.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIf large emissions from these facilities are happening far away from the air monitors, they\u2019re often going to go unnoticed,\u201d DeCarlo said. \u201cBut that doesn\u2019t mean they\u2019re not gonna have an effect on the people who live there.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Even the EPA has raised concerns. <\/p>\n<p>In 2023, the federal agency urged state regulators to create a permanent monitoring station in New Orleans\u2019 Irish Channel neighborhood. The area sits just across the Mississippi River from BWC Harvey, a 48-acre storage terminal that handles hot asphalt and other toxic chemicals and has drawn hundreds of resident complaints about noxious fumes. <\/p>\n<p>A temporary state monitor there had previously recorded elevated levels of harmful particulate matter. But in 2022, Louisiana regulators shut it down.<\/p>\n<p>The Irish Channel wasn\u2019t the only community where the state retreated from monitoring. Louisiana\u2019s 2022 monitoring plan included a section titled \u201cEnvironmental Justice Considerations,\u201d describing monitors in communities such as St. Rose and the Irish Channel. A year later, the section was gone, as was the St. Rose monitor.<\/p>\n<p>When the EPA urged the state to keep considering environmental justice, LDEQ replied that such considerations were \u201cbeyond the scope\u201d of the plan.<\/p>\n<p>LDEQ operates 35 permanent air monitoring stations and says that it maintains \u201ca robust air monitoring network that meets and exceeds all regulatory requirements.\u201d But the agency acknowledges that the network is not designed to monitor pollution in fenceline communities. <\/p>\n<p>Jason Meyers, who oversees the agency\u2019s 35-person air monitoring team, told <em>Floodlight<\/em>: \u201cWe run our sites well. We have good operators, and [the network] provides very high-quality data.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The agency has two mobile monitoring vans that respond to incidents, monitor air quality in parts of the state without permanent stations, and fill in when major storms knock out power.<\/p>\n<p>The department also measures toxic air pollutants at 19 sites around the state, but that equipment doesn\u2019t monitor continuously. Most of those monitors sample every sixth day \u2014 on a fixed, publicly known schedule \u2014 meaning plant operators know when the air will be tested. <\/p>\n<p>\u201cFinancial and technical constraints limit full monitoring coverage\u201d of all toxic air pollutants, LDEQ acknowledged.<\/p>\n<p>While community advocates have pushed for more air monitoring, Louisiana has moved in the opposite direction. Since 2020, the state has lost four air monitoring stations. Expenditures for the LDEQ division that oversees air monitoring fell nearly 15% between 2020 and 2026. Adjusted for inflation, spending dropped by more than one-third. <\/p>\n<p>Louisiana\u2019s challenges are not unique. Across the country, state monitoring agencies have faced years of stagnant federal support even as equipment and labor costs climbed. The number of operating air monitors nationwide fell by nearly half over the decade ending in 2021, the last year for which EPA has published figures. <\/p>\n<p>\u201cYour dollars are just not going nearly as far,\u201d said Chet Wayland, who led EPA\u2019s Air Quality Assessment division for 18 years. \u201cThe bottom line is that more money is desperately needed for monitoring.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/smartmovinghome.com\/?p=1057\">Democratic Socialists Outpoll MAGA Candidates Among Voters<\/a><\/p>\n<p>The EPA does monitor toxic air pollutants at 26 stations nationally \u2014 but none are in Louisiana or Texas, two of the states with the largest toxic emissions volumes.<\/p>\n<h2>How Industry Got Its Way<\/h2>\n<p>For years, former Louisiana Sen. Cleo Fields, a Democrat from Baton Rouge, returned to the Capitol with the same proposal: Require major industrial polluters to monitor toxic air emissions at their property lines and report what nearby communities were breathing. <\/p>\n<p>Each time, the bill died.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cI got so frustrated because every year this was opposed by industry for no good reason,\u201d Fields, now a member of Congress, told <em>Floodlight<\/em>. State regulators, he added, \u201cwere working totally in concert with industry \u2026 and the citizens just had no voice.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Fields said he repeatedly heard from the petrochemical industry that his proposed bills would cost industry too much. \u201cWell, what is it costing people?\u201d he asked. \u201cIt\u2019s costing them their lives.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>After Fields\u2019 failed attempts, state Sen. Royce Duplessis tried again this year with a bill requiring perimeter monitors at facilities emitting toxic pollutants. That measure also failed. <\/p>\n<p>The Louisiana Chemistry Association and other groups have repeatedly fought these efforts, helping to kill bill after bill in the state legislature. The powerful trade group represents 70 chemical industry companies that operate more than 100 sites across the state. <\/p>\n<p>The association has found a legislative ally in Republican state Sen. Eddie Lambert, an attorney from Ascension Parish who chairs the state Senate environmental committee \u2014 the same committee that repeatedly killed the bills. <\/p>\n<p>Campaign finance records show Lambert received more than $28,000 in political contributions from petrochemical, oil and gas and other polluting industries since 2020. He has also reported investing in major oil companies. <\/p>\n<p>He told <em>Floodlight<\/em> that neither his investments nor campaign contributions from industry have influenced his decisions in the legislature. \u201cI don\u2019t take that into consideration at all,\u201d he said.<\/p>\n<p>Lambert added that he was surprised oil and gas companies had donated to his campaigns because he consistently backed lawsuits filed by Louisiana parishes seeking to hold the industry accountable for coastal damage.<\/p>\n<p>In opposing one fenceline monitoring bill in 2021, Lambert contended that \u201cair moves around\u201d and that pollution readings near industrial plants could be skewed by other sources \u2014 an argument also made by the chemical industry. An LCA staffer told a state Senate committee that year that requiring industries to conduct fenceline monitoring could \u201ccreate unnecessary paranoia on the part of the public\u201d and expose companies to lawsuits \u201cbased on false readings of air monitors.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Air quality scientists, however, have found that properly designed fenceline monitoring systems can isolate a facility\u2019s emissions from other sources. <\/p>\n<p>In 2024, Lambert sponsored the Community Air Monitoring Reliability Act (CAMRA), which prohibits the use of air pollution data for enforcement or regulatory actions unless it\u2019s captured by EPA-approved monitors \u2014 equipment that typically costs tens of thousands of dollars, far beyond the reach of most community groups. <\/p>\n<p>The LCA helped draft the bill, Daniel Bosch, an attorney representing the group, acknowledged at a state Senate committee hearing in 2024. <\/p>\n<p>Speaking in favor of the CAMRA law, Brian Landry, the LCA\u2019s vice president of political affairs, told the Senate committee that his group had noticed private and public funds flowing to community groups to do their own air monitoring. <\/p>\n<p>Community air monitors can reveal pollution hotspots that distant government monitors miss. In some communities, the data have prompted regulators to investigate pollution complaints and helped residents push for stronger oversight.<\/p>\n<p>CAMRA, Landry said, was intended to ensure that any community monitoring data given to LDEQ \u201cfor any future purpose is accurate and definitely correct.\u201d <\/p>\n<p>In a statement to <em>Floodlight<\/em>, LCA president David Cresson defended the law, saying it ensures \u201cdata used to enforce our state\u2019s environmental protection laws complies with minimum U.S. EPA standards\u201d and doesn\u2019t stop residents from monitoring air quality for their own information \u2014 only from using unregulated methods for enforcement purposes.<\/p>\n<p>A top EPA regional administrator at the time, however, called the bill \u201cinconsistent with federal law.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Despite the EPA\u2019s letter and widespread community opposition, the state legislature passed the bill. <\/p>\n<p>Critics say the law has stifled community air-quality reporting efforts, which typically rely on low-cost monitors. It\u2019s what stopped Kyereh from her own monitoring efforts in St. Rose. <\/p>\n<p>After CAMRA became law, legislators in Kentucky, Ohio and West Virginia introduced similar bills, also using arguments promoted by industry groups. That legislation failed in West Virginia but passed in Kentucky and Ohio.<\/p>\n<p>CAMRA had been law for just two months when Lambert traveled to the Henderson Beach Resort in Destin, Fla., to speak at a conference hosted by the Louisiana Chemistry Association. The group paid his $450 hotel bill. <\/p>\n<p>\u201cI wouldn\u2019t consider that a big deal,\u201d Lambert told <em>Floodlight<\/em>. <\/p>\n<p>He said it isn\u2019t reasonable to expect state senators \u2014whose base salary is $16,800 a year plus a $6,000 expense allowance \u2014 to cover such costs themselves.<\/p>\n<p>The Louisiana ethics code allows lawmakers to accept lodging and meals from industry groups, as long as they\u2019re tied to a public speech and the gifts are disclosed. <\/p>\n<p>Asked whether Louisiana needs more public air monitoring stations, Lambert said industrial plants already collect emissions data.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIf we already get the information from the plants, why would we want to spend our resources there?\u201d he asked.<\/p>\n<p>Under EPA rules, however, some plants are allowed to report emission estimates rather than direct measurements \u2014 and those estimates can be wildly off base. <\/p>\n<p>A 2025 <em>ProPublica<\/em> investigation found that when the EPA required temporary physical monitors at industrial sites, 97% of facilities were underreporting emissions. At a Dow Chemical facility in Plaquemine, for example, emissions of vinyl chloride \u2014 a carcinogen \u2014 were more than 150 times higher than the company\u2019s estimates.<\/p>\n<h2>Left to Wonder<\/h2>\n<p>Tish Taylor lives less than a mile from the Denka Performance Elastomer plant in St. John the Baptist Parish, which made neoprene, the synthetic rubber used in wetsuits. Chloroprene emissions there posed what federal regulators called an \u201cunacceptably high\u201d cancer risk to surrounding communities. <\/p>\n<p>Denka suspended production in 2025, but DuPont continues to operate on the same campus and has faced its own EPA penalties for emissions violations.<\/p>\n<p>The two closest public monitors \u2014 each about five miles away \u2014 measure only lead and ozone. <\/p>\n<p>Taylor loves working in her garden. But when the wind blows on a sunny day, she knows that there\u2019s something toxic in it, she said.<\/p>\n<p>Read more <a href=\"https:\/\/smartmovinghome.com\/?p=1055\">Federal Agents Reportedly Told FBI Will No Longer Investigate ICE Confrontations<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u201cI just have to wonder how much.\u201d<\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Three of the chemicals that account for the majority of cancer risk in the region aren\u2019t monitored by the state at all.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1060,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1061","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-interesting"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.6 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Industry Groups Keep Louisiana Residents From Knowing What\u2019s in Their Air - 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